Another good idea is Mr. Boehner's vow to publish the text of all bills online at least three days prior to a vote, as well as to allow open rules on spending bills. Former GOP leader Tom DeLay gave short shrift to open rules, but Nancy Pelosi has seen that bad habit and raised, making this the first Congress in memory not to consider a single bill under an open amendment process. This has barred spending hawks like Arizona's Jeff Flake from putting embarrassing spending items up for a floor vote.It is a joke that Congress sends prospective bills to the CBO for scoring and forces them to accept unbelievable premises like imagining levels of economic growth that will not be happening. Or, as we saw with ObamaCare, they force CBO to include projected and undetermined cuts in Medicare that we all know will never happen. It turned the CBO scoring into a total fiction that the politicians could then grab onto and claim that such fantasies were indeed legitimate predictions of how much a bill would cost over time.
Mr. Boehner also proposed to break spending bills into smaller bills for each federal agency or function rather than piling education with health care, for example, into a giant log-rolling exercise. The man who would be Speaker didn't say whether he'd let reformers like Mr. Flake onto the Appropriations Committee, where the spending culture is ingrained. But he ought to do so, and we'd recommend that he also impose term limits for Appropriators, so it wouldn't be a life-time pork-barrel sinecure.
Most intriguingly, Mr. Boehner suggested that "we ought to start at square one and give serious consideration to revisiting, and perhaps rewriting, the 1974 Budget Act." Now he's getting somewhere. That law, passed over the veto of a Watergate-weakened Richard Nixon, further rigged the budget process to abet spending. It killed the President's impoundment power not to spend money, and it established the annual "budget baseline" that makes spending increases automatic. Thus even a reduction in the amount of spending increase in a program becomes a budget "cut" that special interests can attack. Mr. Boehner should consult Budget ranking Member Paul Ryan and former Member Chris Cox for reform ideas.
The larger insight here is that Democrats have organized Congress and written its rules to aid and abet their policy priorities. During their last time in the majority, Republicans didn't do enough to rewrite those rules to assist their ostensible goal of limiting government power and reducing spending and taxes. They shouldn't make the same mistake again.
In addition to rewriting the Budget Act, Republicans need to assert control over the scoring conventions at the Congressional Budget Office that typically underestimate spending—see ObamaCare. Ditto for the rules at the Joint Tax Committee that underestimate the impact of tax changes on taxpayer behavior and economic growth.
If the GOP truly passes such changes, it would have long-term implications that could make a substantial difference in how they do things up there on Capitol Hill. And now is the time to do that.