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Sunday, March 13, 2005

Dan Senor has a very illuminating article in the Weekly Standard about what life is like in postelection Iraq. They are now looking to their own government, rather than the US, to solve problems. He notes some other positive developments. One is that they are not as taken up with Arab nationalism as other parts of the region. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict doesn't seem to mesmerize them. They're more concerned with Iraq than blaming problems on Israel. And they are developing their own pride in their country.
When I was working in Iraq, I was struck by how proud Iraqis were of their country--surprising given that the modern state of Iraq has existed for only 85 years. Iraqis were quick to note that, until the Iran-Iraq war, they were always the first in the region, whether it was joining the U.N. or acquiring television sets. Saddam's tyranny destroyed much of that pride, and what was left was dealt a blow by the realization that it had taken a foreign power to liberate them.

Now, in the postelection euphoria, one begins to hear the word "first" again. Iraqis recognize the significance of the election not only for themselves, but for the region, which has renewed their sense of pride. As the spokesman for the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq put it when announcing the official results of the election: "Today Iraq is taking a new step toward . . . democracy." It was the first "true democratic experience" for Arab countries "and a model for the people of the area. . . . Today is the birth of a free Iraq . . . based on civilized democratic values."

Another encouraging sign is how women are starting to stand up for themselves.
Such newfound political rights are not as easily reversible as Western skeptics claim. A political constituency is being created, which was exactly the intent of the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition when they made this constitutional stipulation. Once women get comfortable with political power, it's not easy for Islamists to take it away without risk of revolt.

The example being set by Iraqis on women's rights goes beyond politics to myriad new women's rights organizations and to women's visibility in the press corps. Indeed, there is nothing more revolutionary than an Islamist politician being grilled by an abayah-clad female Iraqi reporter under the bright lights of pan-Arab television cameras broadcasting to the entire region.

Sure there are problems still in Iraq, but it is so heartening to read of this nascent sense of pride in their own ability to support a democracy. No wonder other Arabs are wondering why they shouldn't have those same opportunities.

In 1998 Ralph Peters argued that there were seven ways to spot a non-competitive state.
The greater the degree to which a state--or an entire civilization--succumbs to these "seven deadly sins" of collective behavior, the more likely that entity is to fail to progress or even to maintain its position in the struggle for a share of the world's wealth and power. Whether analyzing military capabilities, cultural viability, or economic potential, these seven factors offer a quick study of the likely performance of a state, region, or population group in the coming century.
Here are the seven signs and you can mentally check off how Iraq is doing on this list.
Restrictions on the free flow of information.
The subjugation of women.
Inability to accept responsibility for individual or collective failure.
The extended family or clan as the basic unit of social organization.
Domination by a restrictive religion.
A low valuation of education.
Low prestige assigned to work.
Perhaps others will begin to see the correlation between some of these signs and where their society is now.

posted by Betsy Newmark permalink 7:37 AM 0 comments

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Dan Senor has a very illuminating article in the Weekly Standard about what life is like in postelection Iraq. They are now looking to their own government, rather than the US, to solve problems. He notes some other positive developments. One is that they are not as taken up with Arab nationalism as other parts of the region. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict doesn't seem to mesmerize them. They're more concerned with Iraq than blaming problems on Israel. And they are developing their own pride in their country.

When I was working in Iraq, I was struck by how proud Iraqis were of their country--surprising given that the modern state of Iraq has existed for only 85 years. Iraqis were quick to note that, until the Iran-Iraq war, they were always the first in the region, whether it was joining the U.N. or acquiring television sets. Saddam's tyranny destroyed much of that pride, and what was left was dealt a blow by the realization that it had taken a foreign power to liberate them.

Now, in the postelection euphoria, one begins to hear the word "first" again. Iraqis recognize the significance of the election not only for themselves, but for the region, which has renewed their sense of pride. As the spokesman for the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq put it when announcing the official results of the election: "Today Iraq is taking a new step toward . . . democracy." It was the first "true democratic experience" for Arab countries "and a model for the people of the area. . . . Today is the birth of a free Iraq . . . based on civilized democratic values."

Another encouraging sign is how women are starting to stand up for themselves.

Such newfound political rights are not as easily reversible as Western skeptics claim. A political constituency is being created, which was exactly the intent of the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition when they made this constitutional stipulation. Once women get comfortable with political power, it's not easy for Islamists to take it away without risk of revolt.

The example being set by Iraqis on women's rights goes beyond politics to myriad new women's rights organizations and to women's visibility in the press corps. Indeed, there is nothing more revolutionary than an Islamist politician being grilled by an abayah-clad female Iraqi reporter under the bright lights of pan-Arab television cameras broadcasting to the entire region.

Sure there are problems still in Iraq, but it is so heartening to read of this nascent sense of pride in their own ability to support a democracy. No wonder other Arabs are wondering why they shouldn't have those same opportunities.

In 1998 Ralph Peters argued that there were seven ways to spot a non-competitive state.

The greater the degree to which a state--or an entire civilization--succumbs to these "seven deadly sins" of collective behavior, the more likely that entity is to fail to progress or even to maintain its position in the struggle for a share of the world's wealth and power. Whether analyzing military capabilities, cultural viability, or economic potential, these seven factors offer a quick study of the likely performance of a state, region, or population group in the coming century.

Here are the seven signs and you can mentally check off how Iraq is doing on this list.

Restrictions on the free flow of information.
The subjugation of women.
Inability to accept responsibility for individual or collective failure.
The extended family or clan as the basic unit of social organization.
Domination by a restrictive religion.
A low valuation of education.
Low prestige assigned to work.

Perhaps others will begin to see the correlation between some of these signs and where their society is now.

posted by Betsy Newmark permalink 7:37 AM 0 comments

Comments: Post a Comment

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Sunday, March 13, 2005

		Betsy's Page

HOME Betsy neither necessarily uses, nor endorses, the products advertised on this site. The truth about Avesil Cheap Hosting Atlanta Bankruptcy Attorney Dallas Bankruptcy Attorney Wikio Get exclusive travel deals and book discount cheap flights Online Bachelors Degree Comments from an AP history and government teacher in Raleigh, NC. e-mail betsynewmark AT gmail.com Commissions earned from selling items through Amazon will go towards buying materials for my classes. Thank you. Site Feed		Sunday, March 13, 2005 Dan Senor has a very illuminating article in the Weekly Standard about what life is like in postelection Iraq. They are now looking to their own government, rather than the US, to solve problems. He notes some other positive developments. One is that they are not as taken up with Arab nationalism as other parts of the region. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict doesn't seem to mesmerize them. They're more concerned with Iraq than blaming problems on Israel. And they are developing their own pride in their country. When I was working in Iraq, I was struck by how proud Iraqis were of their country--surprising given that the modern state of Iraq has existed for only 85 years. Iraqis were quick to note that, until the Iran-Iraq war, they were always the first in the region, whether it was joining the U.N. or acquiring television sets. Saddam's tyranny destroyed much of that pride, and what was left was dealt a blow by the realization that it had taken a foreign power to liberate them. Now, in the postelection euphoria, one begins to hear the word "first" again. Iraqis recognize the significance of the election not only for themselves, but for the region, which has renewed their sense of pride. As the spokesman for the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq put it when announcing the official results of the election: "Today Iraq is taking a new step toward . . . democracy." It was the first "true democratic experience" for Arab countries "and a model for the people of the area. . . . Today is the birth of a free Iraq . . . based on civilized democratic values." Another encouraging sign is how women are starting to stand up for themselves. Such newfound political rights are not as easily reversible as Western skeptics claim. A political constituency is being created, which was exactly the intent of the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition when they made this constitutional stipulation. Once women get comfortable with political power, it's not easy for Islamists to take it away without risk of revolt. The example being set by Iraqis on women's rights goes beyond politics to myriad new women's rights organizations and to women's visibility in the press corps. Indeed, there is nothing more revolutionary than an Islamist politician being grilled by an abayah-clad female Iraqi reporter under the bright lights of pan-Arab television cameras broadcasting to the entire region. Sure there are problems still in Iraq, but it is so heartening to read of this nascent sense of pride in their own ability to support a democracy. No wonder other Arabs are wondering why they shouldn't have those same opportunities. In 1998 Ralph Peters argued that there were seven ways to spot a non-competitive state. The greater the degree to which a state--or an entire civilization--succumbs to these "seven deadly sins" of collective behavior, the more likely that entity is to fail to progress or even to maintain its position in the struggle for a share of the world's wealth and power. Whether analyzing military capabilities, cultural viability, or economic potential, these seven factors offer a quick study of the likely performance of a state, region, or population group in the coming century. Here are the seven signs and you can mentally check off how Iraq is doing on this list. Restrictions on the free flow of information. The subjugation of women. Inability to accept responsibility for individual or collective failure. The extended family or clan as the basic unit of social organization. Domination by a restrictive religion. A low valuation of education. Low prestige assigned to work. Perhaps others will begin to see the correlation between some of these signs and where their society is now. posted by Betsy Newmark permalink 7:37 AM 0 comments Comments: Dan Senor has a very illuminating article in the Weekly Standard about what life is like in postelection Iraq. They are now looking to their own government, rather than the US, to solve problems. He notes some other positive developments. One is that they are not as taken up with Arab nationalism as other parts of the region. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict doesn't seem to mesmerize them. They're more concerned with Iraq than blaming problems on Israel. And they are developing their own pride in their country. When I was working in Iraq, I was struck by how proud Iraqis were of their country--surprising given that the modern state of Iraq has existed for only 85 years. Iraqis were quick to note that, until the Iran-Iraq war, they were always the first in the region, whether it was joining the U.N. or acquiring television sets. Saddam's tyranny destroyed much of that pride, and what was left was dealt a blow by the realization that it had taken a foreign power to liberate them. Now, in the postelection euphoria, one begins to hear the word "first" again. Iraqis recognize the significance of the election not only for themselves, but for the region, which has renewed their sense of pride. As the spokesman for the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq put it when announcing the official results of the election: "Today Iraq is taking a new step toward . . . democracy." It was the first "true democratic experience" for Arab countries "and a model for the people of the area. . . . Today is the birth of a free Iraq . . . based on civilized democratic values." Another encouraging sign is how women are starting to stand up for themselves. Such newfound political rights are not as easily reversible as Western skeptics claim. A political constituency is being created, which was exactly the intent of the Iraqi Governing Council and the Coalition when they made this constitutional stipulation. Once women get comfortable with political power, it's not easy for Islamists to take it away without risk of revolt. The example being set by Iraqis on women's rights goes beyond politics to myriad new women's rights organizations and to women's visibility in the press corps. Indeed, there is nothing more revolutionary than an Islamist politician being grilled by an abayah-clad female Iraqi reporter under the bright lights of pan-Arab television cameras broadcasting to the entire region. Sure there are problems still in Iraq, but it is so heartening to read of this nascent sense of pride in their own ability to support a democracy. No wonder other Arabs are wondering why they shouldn't have those same opportunities. In 1998 Ralph Peters argued that there were seven ways to spot a non-competitive state. The greater the degree to which a state--or an entire civilization--succumbs to these "seven deadly sins" of collective behavior, the more likely that entity is to fail to progress or even to maintain its position in the struggle for a share of the world's wealth and power. Whether analyzing military capabilities, cultural viability, or economic potential, these seven factors offer a quick study of the likely performance of a state, region, or population group in the coming century. Here are the seven signs and you can mentally check off how Iraq is doing on this list. Restrictions on the free flow of information. The subjugation of women. Inability to accept responsibility for individual or collective failure. The extended family or clan as the basic unit of social organization. Domination by a restrictive religion. A low valuation of education. Low prestige assigned to work. Perhaps others will begin to see the correlation between some of these signs and where their society is now. posted by Betsy Newmark permalink 7:37 AM 0 comments Comments: Post a Comment